Advocacy: Supporting the Construction of More Housing Units

In the heart of New York City, the Uniform Land Use Review Procedure (ULURP) has played a significant role in shaping the city's landscape, particularly in regards to affordable housing and the influence of Not In My Backyard (NIMBY) opponents.

The extended timelines resulting from ULURP have exacerbated the city's severe housing shortage, with vacancy rates standing at a mere 1.4%. This prolonged development process, less responsive to urgent housing needs, contributes to rising rents and limited affordable housing options [1].

Rezoning projects intended to create affordable housing have not always delivered the promised units. For instance, in SoHo/NoHo, no new housing units have been built as projected, with commercial and luxury developments proliferating instead, often eliminating existing affordable rent-regulated housing [2].

The extensive negotiations required through ULURP, involving community boards, borough presidents, council members, and occasionally the state, create numerous veto points. While these negotiations can result in more affordable units, they often slow development to a crawl [3].

Local communities, empowered by ULURP, have used their voice to oppose or delay new developments, including affordable housing projects. Community boards and local politics play a decisive role during ULURP reviews [5]. An informal but powerful City Council norm called “member deference” means that the Council rarely overrides the objections of the local councilmember whose district is affected. This deference tends to empower local opposition and stalls citywide solutions to the housing crisis [1][3].

Term limits for elected officials mean council members may not be in office long enough to oversee a project’s completion, decreasing incentives to support controversial but necessary housing development. This structural change has worsened the problem compared to when ULURP was created [1].

Reforms aim to streamline the ULURP process by shortening and consolidating advisory review periods to reduce delays. However, these efforts face opposition from community boards concerned about diminishing community engagement [5]. Some advocate reducing member deference to allow the Council to override local opposition when citywide housing needs demand it [3].

In 2023, Democratic Council Member Marjorie Velázquez lost her seat in the Bronx after supporting a mixed-use housing development. The ULURP process has inadvertently asphyxiated new development in the city's wealthier and whiter enclaves, perpetuating segregation across the city [4].

In November, New Yorkers will vote on revisions to the City Charter that make it easier and faster for City Hall to build housing across the city [6]. The city is still a long way off from reaching half a million homes, a goal that has consensus among mayoral candidates [7]. Last year, the Adams administration up-zoned much of the city through its "City of Yes" initiative, adding 80,000 more homes [8].

Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic nominee, aims to achieve "Tokyo-levels" of housing density [9]. Confronting the city's NIMBY interests is necessary for achieving this housing goal [10]. The ULURP process includes input from neighbours, community boards, local politicians, and a final vote by the City Council [11].

Revisions aim to correct a broken land use process where neighbours can effectively block new buildings [12]. Concerns were raised about how decentralizing power to neighbourhoods might undermine the mayor's ability to meet citywide needs [13]. City Council members face backlash from small but highly motivated NIMBY groups when they support new housing [14].

The 1975 and 1989 City Charter updates, in part a reaction to top-down urban renewal schemes, codified the ULURP process [15]. From 2014 to 2024, 12 of New York's Community Districts added as much housing as the other 47 combined [16]. ULURP applies to any change that affects the city map, including luxury mega-towers, low-rise affordable housing, and simple changes to street grades [17].

Death threats, burglaries, and the need for police protection were experienced by Council Member Marjorie Velázquez due to her support for new housing [18]. The mayoral race in New York City has a consensus on the need to build half a million homes [7]. The city's zoning code determines what can be built where [19].

The prolonged ULURP process, which involves labor-intensive negotiations and multiple veto points, has led to rising rents and limited affordable housing options in the housing-market, exacerbating the city's housing shortage [1].
Despite the intention of rezoning projects to create affordable housing, delivering the promised units has been inconsistent. For instance, in SoHo/NoHo, no new housing units have been built as projected, with home-and-garden developments proliferating instead [2].
In the housing-market, local communities empowered by ULURP have used their voice to oppose or delay new developments, including affordable housing projects, which can be stalled by member deference and community engagement [3, 5].
Investing in reforms to streamline the ULURP process is essential to achieve Tokyo-levels of housing density, as confronting the city's NIMBY interests is necessary for making progress on housing goals [9, 10, 12, 14].